By Lewis H. Siegelbaum
ISBN-10: 0511523742
ISBN-13: 9780511523748
ISBN-10: 0521362156
ISBN-13: 9780521362153
ISBN-10: 0521369878
ISBN-13: 9780521369879
This can be the 1st ebook to investigate the connection among the Soviet kingdom and society from the October Revolution of 1917 to the revolution less than Stalin of the overdue Twenties and early Thirties. Professor Lewis Siegelbaum explores the evolution of the ruling Communist celebration and its New fiscal coverage and the altering fortunes of business employees, peasants, and the clinical and cultural intelligentsia. He demonstrates how those assorted actors sought to suitable the promise of the 1917 Revolution for his or her personal reasons, highlights the compromises they made, and explains why within the past due Nineteen Twenties those compromises began to holiday down.
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Additional info for Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918-1929 (Cambridge Russian Paperbacks)
Example text
What then was the relationship between the unions and the fledgling Soviet state? There was no question of the Bolsheviks accepting the Menshevik position of trade union neutrality and independence. But the Bolsheviks' own formulations were fraught with ambiguity. " But the party's new program, passed at its eighth congress in March 1919, appeared to sanction a more syndicalist conceptualization of the state, in effect, making it an organ of the unions. "28 In the heat of the civil war, the disparity between the two positions could be ignored.
50 An even more radical departure from both Soviet and western historiography is offered by Sheila Fitzpatrick. She notes that class categories were ubiquitous during the civil war, figuring prominently in Bolshevik rhetoric and Soviet legislation, but as guides to social reality they are misleading. So great was the social flux, so frequently did individuals change occupations and social positions, that both as analytical categories and clues to social behavior, "class" is not very useful. Even less so is the concept of "proletarian consciousness" which is inevitably tainted with "Marxist assumptions" to which many western historians, consciously or unconsciously, have succumbed.
Statistics on the industrial work force and its internal composition vary depending on the territory encompassed and the efficiency of data collection. But generally, they tell the same story of diminution. 5 million in the latter half of 1920. 42 Losses were greatest in the most populous industrial centers, that is, in Petrograd, Moscow, the Donbass, and the Urals. The number of industrial workers in Petrograd plummeted from 406,000 in January 1917 to 123,000 by mid-1920. 9 percent of able-bodied adults, in 1917, to 34 percent by the autumn of 1920.
Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918-1929 (Cambridge Russian Paperbacks) by Lewis H. Siegelbaum
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